Education

The Artistic Dividend: The Arts’ Hidden Contributions to Regional Development

Ann Markusen and David King

 

Artistic activity is often viewed as a discretionary ele- ment in a regional economy, rather like icing on a cake of industry, finance and basic services. The eco- nomic impact of the arts has generally been gauged by totaling up the amounts that patrons spend on performances and restau- rant meals, parking and shopping in districts around major the- atres, symphony halls and galleries. The occupation “artist” conjures up dual images of a few star painters, composers and photographers who land the prestigious grants and the many aspiring actors, dancers and writers waiting tables to underwrite creative time in attic rooms.

In this study, we show that this is an impoverished view of the arts and its role in the regional economy. It treats the arts as a con- sequence of, even a parasite on, a successful business economy. We show, on the contrary, that artistic activity is a major and varied contributor to economic vitality. We suggest that the productivity of and earnings in a regional economy rise as the incidence of artists within its boundaries increases, because artists’ creativity and specialized skills enhance the design, production and market- ing of products and services in other sectors. They also help firms recruit top-rate employees and generate income through direct exports of artistic work out of the region.

Using an occupational approach rather than a focus on major arts organizations and venues, we define artists broadly to include actors, directors, performance artists, dancers, choreographers, musicians, composers, authors, writers, painters, sculptors, and pho- tographers. We showcase several artistic careers that are highly entrepreneurial — where the artist is not starving, working menial jobs or waiting for the next grant, commission or role but actively seeking diverse markets and venues for their work. Many artists directly “export” their work to customers, firms and patrons else- where, enabling them to live in the region, to contract work from other individuals and to generate work for and prompt innovation among suppliers. Artistic networks, often enhanced by new spaces for working and gathering, are helping to spread entrepreneurial ideas and practices both within and outside the region.

Artists, like firms, have locational preferences and gravitate towards certain regional economies. We show that some metro- politan areas in the US host larger contingents of artists than oth- ers of similar size. We proxy the significance of the artistic divi- dend by the incidence of artists in a regional workforce. We find the pre-eminence of New York and Los Angeles as artistic poles softening as artists spread out toward selective “second tier” cities such as San Francisco, Seattle, Albuquerque and Minneapolis/St. Paul. Artistic specialization is not a function of rapid growth — fast-growing Atlanta and Dallas/Ft Worth have below-average concentrations of artists, as do slower-growing Chicago, Pittsburgh and Cleveland.

This “artistic dividend” is a product of long term commitments by philanthropists, patrons and the public sector to regional arts organizations, arts education and individual artists. It is enhanced by entrepreneurial activity among artists and fostered by (and contributes to) high urban quality of life. Through extensive interviews with artists in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul (MN) a region with relatively high artistic presence, we show the importance of amenities, quality of life and an active and nur- turing arts community in attracting and retaining artists. For the artists showcased, we document how they have built their careers, why they decided to live and work in the region, and the ways in which their careers have enhanced the success of other individu- als and businesses in the regional economy.

Artistic activity as a significant contributor to the regional econ- omy needs nurturing. In comparison to the very modest amounts they devote to the arts, state and local governments pour hundreds of millions of dollars into downtown revitalization, new plant attraction and even big box retail developments in the suburbs. Vis- à-vis the arts, large physical performing and visual arts spaces receive the lion’s share of public and patron support while the labor side of the equation is under-nourished. Our work suggests that artist-dedicated spaces such as older industrial buildings made into studios and new or renovated live/work spaces and occupation- dedicated gathering venues such as the Open Book in Minneapolis deserve public and patron support. Patrons and arts foundations should consider unconventional grants to arts occupational groups to help their members position themselves in larger national and international marketplaces, enhancing the export orientation of the artistic sector. Similarly, channels of connection between regional businesses and the artistic community could be enhanced to facili- tate contributions by artists to business product design, marketing and work environments. Finally, among artists themselves, we coun- sel more attention to and cooperation in entrepreneurial pursuits, including changes in attitude toward artistic careers.

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Crickets Are Not a Free Lunch: Protein Capture from Scalable Organic Side-Streams via High-Density Populations of Acheta domesticus

Abstract

It has been suggested that the ecological impact of crickets as a source of dietary protein is less than conventional forms of livestock due to their comparatively efficient feed conversion and ability to consume organic side-streams. This study measured the biomass output and feed conversion ratios of house crickets (Acheta domesticus) reared on diets that varied in quality, ranging from grain-based to highly cellulosic diets. The measurements were made at a much greater population scale and density than any previously reported in the scientific literature. The biomass accumulation was strongly influenced by the quality of the diet (p<0.001), with the nitrogen (N) content, the ratio of N to acid detergent fiber (ADF) content, and the crude fat (CF) content (y=N/ADF+CF) explaining most of the variability between feed treatments (p = 0.02; R2 = 0.96). In addition, for populations of crickets that were able to survive to a harvestable size, the feed conversion ratios measured were higher (less efficient) than those reported from studies conducted at smaller scales and lower population densities. Compared to the industrial-scale production of chickens, crickets fed a poultry feed diet showed little improvement in protein conversion efficiency, a key metric in determining the ecological footprint of grain-based livestock protein. Crickets fed the solid filtrate from food waste processed at an industrial scale via enzymatic digestion were able to reach a harvestable size and achieve feed and protein efficiencies similar to that of chickens. However, crickets fed minimally-processed, municipal-scale food waste and diets composed largely of straw experienced >99% mortality without reaching a harvestable size. Therefore, the potential for Adomesticus to sustainably supplement the global protein supply, beyond what is currently produced via grain-fed chickens, will depend on capturing regionally scalable organic side-streams of relatively high-quality that are not currently being used for livestock production.

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Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power

Robert M. Entman

School of Media and Public Affairs, The George Washington University, Washington, DC 20052

This article proposes integrating the insights generated by framing, priming, and agenda-setting research through a systematic effort to conceptualize and understand their larger implications for political power and democracy. The organizing concept is bias, that curiously undertheorized staple of public discourse about the media. After showing how agenda setting, framing and priming fit together as tools of power, the article connects them to explicit definitions of news slant and the related but distinct phenomenon of bias. The article suggests improved measures of slant and bias. Properly defined and measured, slant and bias provide insight into how the media influence the distribution of power: who gets what, when, and how. Content analysis should be informed by explicit theory linking patterns of framing in the media text to predictable priming and agenda-setting effects on audiences. When unmoored by such underlying theory, measures and conclusions of media bias are suspect.

doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00336.x

This article proposes integrating the insights generated by framing, priming, and agenda-setting research through a new, systematic effort to conceptualize and under- stand their implications for political power. The organizing concept is bias, that curiously undertheorized staple of public discourse about the media.

With all the heat and attention it incites among activists and ordinary citizens, bias is yet to be defined clearly, let alone received much serious empirical attention (Niven, 2002). The term seems to take on three major meanings. Sometimes, it is applied to news that purportedly distorts or falsifies reality (distortion bias), some- times to news that favors one side rather than providing equivalent treatment to both sides in a political conflict (content bias), and sometimes to the motivations and mindsets of journalists who allegedly produce the biased content (decision-making bias). This essay argues that we can make bias a robust, rigorous, theory-driven, and productive research concept by abandoning the first use while deploying new, more precisely delineated variants of the second and third.

Depending on specific research objectives, the distinctions among these three con- cepts can be crucial (Scheufele, 2000). The present article suggests that parsimonious

Corresponding author: Robert M. Entman; e-mail: entman@gwu.edu.

Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 163–173 a 2007 International Communication Association 163

Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916

 

Framing Bias R. M. Entman

integration can nonetheless serve at least two goals. First, systematically employing agenda setting, framing, and priming under the conceptual umbrella of bias would advance understanding of the media’s role in distributing power, revealing new dimensions and processes of critically political communication.1 Second, such a pro- ject would offer normative guidance for scholars, for journalists striving to construct more ‘‘fair and balanced’’ news, and for the many citizens and activists who feel victimized by biased media (cf. Eveland & Shah, 2003).

Most of the studies that do explicitly explore bias focus on presidential cam- paigns and administrations and find little evidence of decisive or consistent, liberal or conservative, Democratic or Republican bias (D’Alessio & Allen, 2000; Niven, 2002; but cf. Jamieson & Waldman, 2002; Kuypers, 2002). Yet this conclusion sits uneasily alongside findings, not usually filed under ‘‘bias’’ scholarship, that reveal news consistently favoring one side. Examples of such apparent content bias include the media’s images of minorities (Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Kang, 2005) and their coverage of U.S. foreign policy (Entman, 2004). The consolidating question, then, is whether the agenda setting and framing content of texts and their priming effects on audiences fall into persistent, politically relevant patterns. Powerful players devote massive resources to advancing their interests precisely by imposing such patterns on mediated communications. To the extent we reveal and explain them, we illuminate the classic questions of politics: who gets what, when, and how (Lasswell, 1966)?

Reconsidering connections

Scholars can shed new light on bias by examining linkages among the three concepts that have received such intense scholarly scrutiny. We can define framing as the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights connections among them to promote a particular interpretation. Fully developed frames typically perform four functions: problem definition, causal anal- ysis, moral judgment, and remedy promotion (Entman, 1993, 2004). Framing works to shape and alter audience members’ interpretations and preferences through prim- ing. That is, frames introduce or raise the salience or apparent importance of certain ideas, activating schemas that encourage target audiences to think, feel, and decide in a particular way (see, e.g., Gross & D’Ambrosio, 2004; Iyengar & Simon, 1993; Kim, Scheufele, & Shanahan, 2002; Price, Tewksbury, & Powers, 1997).

The strategic framing contests that occupy the heart of the political process take place in the first instance over the agenda (Riker, 1986). Agenda setting can thus be seen as another name for successfully performing the first function of framing: defining problems worthy of public and government attention. Among other things, agenda problems can spotlight societal conditions, world events, or character traits of a candidate. The second or ‘‘attribute’’ level of agenda setting (McCombs & Ghanem, 2001) centrally involves three types of claims that happen to encompass the core business of strategic framing: to highlight the causes of problems, to encour- age moral judgments (and associated affective responses), and to promote favored

164 Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 163–173 a 2007 International Communication Association

R. M. Entman Framing Bias

policies. Priming, then, is a name for the goal, the intended effect, of strategic actors’ framing activities.2

The oft-quoted but misleading phrase that inaugurated the modern study of media effects is that: ‘‘the media may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about’’ (Cohen, 1963, p. 13, emphasis in original). Although the distinction between ‘‘what to think’’ and ‘‘what to think about’’ is not entirely clear, the former seems to mean what people decide, favor, or accept, whereas the latter refers to the consid- erations they ‘‘think about’’ in coming to such conclusions. The distinction misleads because, short of physical coercion, all influence over ‘‘what people think’’ derives from telling them ‘‘what to think about.’’ If the media really are stunningly successful in telling people what to think about, they must also exert significant influence over what they think. 

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Narcissistic Behavior and the Economy: The Role of Virtues

Surendra Arjoon

Narcissistic Behavior

Several prominent commentators and academics have recently accused Ivy League schools of breeding narcissistic leaders and executives who have been instrumental in fuelling the global financial crisis. The director of economic policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, Kevin Hassett, argues that though firms did a terrible job in assessing risks, it is precisely those in charge who exemplified narcissistic mentalities manifested primarily through their grandiose sense of entitlement and their lack of humility (Hassett 2009). In a Times online article entitled: “Harvard’s Masters of the Apocalypse,” Broughton (2009) makes similar claims that MBAs (acronym for Mediocre But Arrogant, Mighty Big Attitude, Me Before Anyone, and Management By Accident) are a swollen class of jargon-spewing, value-destroying financiers and consultants who have done more than any other group of people to create our economic misery and concludes that MBAs and business schools need a dose of modesty. Chris Bones, dean of Henley Business School, in addressing the crisis of confidence in business leadership, suggests that the crisis stems from the creation of a narcis- sistic cadre of senior executives who knew no right but their own perception, and who brooked no criticism or check on their ambition (Bones 2009). In a panel discussion at the University of Darden Business School, professor Ed Freeman pointed out that ignoring ethics and responsibility is what drove the financial crisis: “Finance without responsibility is saying I can do whatever I want. But we must go out and create value in a sustainable way. If we don’t address the theoretical problem—guess what? We’re going to have this again. We have to put ethics at the center of business education” (Freeman 2008). Harvard Business School leadership guru, Bill George, remarked that the United States’ financial crisis was not caused by the failure of the complex instruments but by the failure of leaders on Wall Street who all too often sacrificed their firms’ futures in order to maximize their personal gains (George 2009). It seems that greed and personal gains were substituted for robust risk management. Brunell and Gentry (2008) describe how narcissists have the necessary skills and qualities that propel them into leadership roles, and when they are in charge, other aspects of their makeup (for example, the feeling that rules do not apply to them) can have disastrous consequences. Conger (2002) highlights the dangers and temptations where narcissistic leaders can lose touch with reality (for example, a strong sense of self-importance may blind them to divergent points of view or to whistle-blowers, thus leading to poor strategic and organizational decision-making as witnessed in the case of Enron and WorldCom) by promoting self-serving and grandiose aims. Twenge and Keith Campbell (2009), drawing from extensive empirical research and cultural analysis, suggest that the financial crisis is, in part, a con- sequence of the narcissistic cultural epidemic from which the United States is suffering. Interestingly, Baumeister (1999), in reviewing the literature on crime and violence, concludes that contrary to popular beliefs, like many corporate leaders, outlaws tend to often display narcissistic personality disorder (NPD). Narcissistic personality disorder is characterized by an extravagant sense of self- importance, a sense of superiority, self-centered and self-referential behavior, exaggeration of talents, boastful and pretentious behavior, grandiose fantasies of unlimited success, the belief that one is so special or unique that one can only be understood by equals, an unreasonable sense of entitlement, a yearning for attention and admiration, a willingness to exploit others, lack of empathy, envy and the belief that others envy him or her, and arrogant behavior (Ronningstam and Gunderson 1990, Cohen 2005).

It seems that the growing and complex ethical environment is mirrored by the increase in the variety of personal and mental disorders. The first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (published in 1952 by the American Psychiatric Association) was a pamphlet that listed sixty dis- orders; the current fourth edition (published in 1994) has hundreds of disorders including subcategories and combinations (the list includes disorders associated with adjustment, anxiety, dissociation, eating impulse-control, mood, sexual, sleep, psychotic, somatoform, substance, and personality). Kets de Vries and Miller (1986) further note that pathological organizational types seem in many ways to mirror the types of dysfunctions common to the most widely discussed neurotic styles among individuals. Until recently, NPD had not been the subject of many studies and had received relatively little empirical attention. Naturally, the fields of psychiatry and psychology have played a dominant role in furthering our understanding of NPD, especially as it relates to diagnosis, leadership, and factor structure (Brunell, Genry, Campbell, Hoffman, Kuhnert, and DeMarree 2008; Buono 2001; Corry, Davis Merritt, Mrug, and Pamp 2008; Gabbard 2009; Goldman 2006; Goodie 2009; Horwitz 2000; Kay 2008; Miller, Keith Campbell, Young, Lakey, Reidy, Zeichner, and Ronningstam 2009; Pryor, Miller, and Gaughan 2008; Russ, Shedler, Bradley, and Westen 2008; Trzesniewski, Brent Donnellan, and Robins 2008; Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Keith Campbell, and Bushman 2008a; Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Keith Campbell, and Bushman 2008b).

Empirical studies have supported clinical observations that pathological nar- cissism characteristics can be expressed in temporary traits or in stable, enduring personality disorder manifested as: grandiosity (the most distinguishing and discriminating evidence-based criterion), vulnerable and fluctuating self-esteem, strong reactions to perceived challenges or threats to self-esteem, self-enhancing interpersonal behavior, self-serving interpersonal behavior, interpersonal aggres- sion and control, fluctuating or impaired empathic ability, and exceptionally high or perfectionist ideals and standards (Ronningstam 2009). Reich (1960) sees pathological narcissism as stemming from early traumata (that is, threats to one’s bodily intactness at a time when the ego is not sufficiently developed to be able to master them) and so compensatory measures are instituted. The individual is unable to accept reality and to develop a mature superego. Imbesi (1999) also observes that when placed in structured settings where rules were imposed on them, NPD children had a deliberate, premeditated quality of aggressive impulses. 

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Bring on the Shock Troops: Artists and Gentrification in the Popular Press

Daniel Makagon

Abstract

Gentrification is one of the most important and talked about contemporary urban issues. Critics have tended to treat the class remake of urban neighborhoods as a geographical and sociological phenomenon. This article critically examines gentrification as symbolic action. Focusing on press coverage of artist-led gentrification, I argue that reporters present a diffusion narrative that casts artists as both urban pioneers and victims of gentrification and glosses over the function of artists as the first gentrifiers in some urban neighborhoods. Ultimately, press accounts of artists as victims of gentrification reflect an underlying desire to find and maintain bohemian spaces in the face of homogeneous and sterile corporate urban revitalization projects that have contributed to a broader sense of urban placelessness. Yet, this vision is based on a bohemian image of the city that consists of young white artists while stigmatizing (through a frontier discourse) the more diverse population(s) that lived and worked in the urban neighborhood prior to the arrival of the artists.

Keywords: GentrificationUrban CommunicationFrontierPioneerSymbolic Action

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