A. D. Seidel, Jeong Tai Kim and I. B. R. Tanaka

INTRODUCTION Interest in the effects of the built environment on human health is growing. In this paper, we argue that there are three types of architects: fashionistas, life improvers, and object-service packagers. Each approaches architecture from a different angle and believes they have something valuable to offer. The future of the profession, however, may lie in how each responds to the growing body of research on human health and the built environment. This paper will discuss first the predominant roles being adopted by architects today. Then, it will look at one of those predominant approaches: how research on human use of the built environment is being integrated into practice. We must acknowledge that, clearly, we cannot include here every research reference linking urban design and health. We have tried instead to enumerate the larger concepts. Nonetheless, we hope this provides the reader with a framework within which to consider design-health connections. We considered who the article's audience would be, and we recognized that it might not be only those who read architectural and planning magazines or research journals. In this brief article, we clearly would not be satisfying either extreme fully. Yet, we hope we can bring together health and the design of the built environment in a way that makes the needed linkages and inspires later, greater depth on each element we discuss.

THE ROLES OF ARCHITECTS Architects fill many roles, including that of artist, urban planner, and urban designer. How archi- tects approach these roles may be described as coming from three worldviews: architects who desire to be the star of the moment (fashionistas), those who focus on the improvement of life and its functions for humans (life improvers), and those who focus on creating packages that provide both a design and the services that accompany it (object-service packagers). To provide a bit of background, each of these worldviews is described in more detail below. Fashionistas The term fashionista has been borrowed from the fashion industry. In an interesting turn of events, the term was applied to architects by two writers almost simultaneously (Ouroussoff, 2008; Seidel, 2008). Both authors were commenting on flamboyant trends in architecture that came to an abrupt halt with the recent global recession. As applied to architects, the term fashionista describes those who focus on their reputations and "the so-called intersection of architecture, art and fashion" (Ouroussoff, 2008:para. 4). Fashionistas typically do not focus on the function or potential users of spaces. They are also foremost in the public's mind, as they are predominantly the ones depicted in the popular press. Room at the top is scarce and ever-shifting, however, and there are only about six reigning fashionistas at any given time. The rise to fame of fashionistas appears to parallel bullish markets. The "How to Become a Famous Architect" article that appeared on Fashion Architecture Taste's website ( in 2004 provided the best satire of fashionistas, but other websites have copied this satire and kept it alive ( cf.; www.strange Directions for becoming famous include develop a mystique, wear strange glasses, copy designs from 10-year-old magazines, do not actually design a building for at least 10 years, and remember that journalists are the audience (Jacob, 2007). While highly amusing in the original, the description hits close to the truth for some current star architects. There are examples of some who have taken academic appointments but never appeared at the university. Others have sold models and drawings to museums while not actually building anything for the first 20 years of their careers. This situation is a reflection of decision making through power or influence, not knowledge.

Life Improvers On the opposite end of the scale from the fashionistas are the life improvers, who strive to better the lives of their clients. This is probably the position that most architects are trying to advance, though it may be articulated poorly sometimes. For nearly 100 years, professional architectural associations have tried to forward the idea that architects improve peoples' lives because they are artists. These public relations campaigns have nearly always failed. Architects who truly improve the lives of their clients often find high levels of financial success. The intent of the majority of 20th century architecture has been just that - life improvement - despite the popular image the fashionistas portray. Early in the century, the importance of sensitive, quiet architecture that focuses on the circulation of air, sunlight, and people became paramount. More recently, project design has been influenced by growing bodies of research in many areas, most notably in the area of how people use buildings. (This has often been combined with interests in technology and sustainability.) As the use of research increases, life-improver architects will continue to create a helpful, evidence-based profession. Understanding the current research permits architects to better serve clients. This, in turn, creates a greater demand for architects, some of whom have developed a significant following. This trend is currently most apparent in health and sports facilities.

Object-Service Packagers The most recent type of architect to emerge is the object-service packager (Manzini, 1997). While Manzini spoke about industrial designers, the term can be applied to all architects who combine a service with a designed object, making the package as a whole more desirable than the object alone. In many cases, the quality of the designed object may be reduced, yet the overall package is considered an improvement. Though this is an emerging trend for architects, many examples can be found in the area of industrial design. For instance, according to Consumer Reports, both BMW and Mercedes-Benz cars have declined in technical quality over the last 1 5 years, yet their sales have risen (see the April issue of Consumer Reports from each year and follow the progress of how these cars have changed; also see changes in BMW and Mercedes-Benz advertising and claims made for their cars). What was once a perfor- mance car has now become a luxury and status car. Both brands are sold with complete ownership and service packages, including unlimited "free" car washes. In addition, the engines are designed with concealing shrouds to deter owners from doing their own maintenance. In effect, owners are forced to use the service part of the package, and the resulting package is highly desired. At the lower end of the market, a highly desirable object-service package example can be found in Vancouver, Canada. For a small fee, the Modo car co-op ( provides account holders with a vehicle to use. Full membership includes additional benefits, such as discounts on health insurance and local recreational services. The vehicles themselves are found in locations around the metropolitan Vancouver area, often near public-transit hubs. Insurance, maintenance, cleaning, and fuel refilling are all provided worry-free to users. Similar services are provided to the private market but at a higher cost. Bundling a design object with a service has the potential to be highly profitable. Much like brokers, object-service packagers thrive when they parcel their products with the right service. They are the real innovators in the future of the architecture profession.

Putting People First Modern sprawling subdivisions are "de- signed and built to center not on the hu- man, but on the human being who is traveling in an automobile " (Frumkin, et al. , 2004:20; emphasis in original). Ur- ban design's focus on people rather than cars is new to many urban designers, yet the Danish architect Jan Gehl has been promoting this idea since the 1960s. In his current status as an accidental rock star, he has been promoting public health and active transportation modes through urban design. With his mantra "be sweet to people," Gehl (2010c), along with many others, has changed the face of Copenhagen and other large cities, with many others following his lead around the world. These cities have changed from vehicle-centered gridlock and parking lots to areas focused on ease of movement for pedestrians, cyclists, and public transportation. Examples of pedestrian- and cyclist-focused design are shown in Figures 1-2. According to Gehl (20 1 0b), many Danes complained that "we are not Italians, we are Danes" when he tried to improve outdoor facilities in Copenhagen in the early 1960s. Yet Gehl and others were instrumental in developing Copen- FIGURE 1. Jan Gehl and others have been instrumental in reshaping Copenhagen into a city for people. This image demonstrates how pedestrians, cyclists, public transportation, and personal vehicles have all been accommodated in a public square in Copenhagen (Gehl, et al ., 2008). FIGURE 2. A bike lane between the vehicular lanes and the sidewalk protects cyclists from vehicles. Bicycles in Copenhagen are used to transport personal items and goods (Naparstek, 2006). (Photo by Aaron Naparstek.) hagen's pedestrian Staget (walking street). Once the pedestrian street was opened, Danes did indeed start to behave like Italians. They began leaving their cars at home, walking, and spending time in outdoor cafes. Figures 3-4 show Staget pre- and post-pedestrianization.

New Edge of Architecture The future of architecture lies in the new role of object-service packagers. A major area for this lies with those who focus on bundling objects and services related to improving public health.

Journal of Architectural and Planning Research, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Autumn, 2012), pp. 241-268 Published by: Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc

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Gender and Racial Bias in Design Juries

Mark Paul Frederickson Source: Journal of Architectural Education (1984-), Vol. 47, No. 1 (Sep., 1993), pp. 38-48 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, Inc

This study assesses the participation and interaction of various participants in the design jury process, that is, male and female jurors, male and female students, and racial minority students. Several consistently biased practices and procedures in design juries are identified and statistically examined. The findings presented here have been distilled from one portion of an ongoing comprehensive investigation of the inner workings and educational efficacy of design juries in architectural education. Initial portions of the overall research program were conducted by Mark Frederickson and Marvin Adelson at the University of California, Los Angeles. Investigation of studio education and review processes continues under Frederickson's guidance at the University of Arizona. THROUGH THEIR USE OF THE JURY SYSTEM, DESIGN EDUCATORS IN ARCHI- tecture, landscape architecture, interior design, and several studio arts share a fundamental method of evaluating design projects and render- ing feedback to students concerning their performance and abilities. The jury is a core element in many of these design curricula and a critical educational vehicle in which students verbally and graphically present their design work to an assembly of design teachers, visiting professionals, and student peers. It is a forum for building and com- municating ideas. Although intrajury communications are often flawed, I believe design juries to be rich in educational potential.1 After witnessing and participating in design reviews that were quite wonderful in their in- sight and thoughtful manner of communication, it became apparent to me that these few occasions deserved careful study, especially be- cause most juries appeared rarely to operate at, or even near, their full potential. For the past four years, Marvin Adelson and I have been in- vestigating both the potentials and the defects of jury environments in architectural design curricula. During the conceptual stages of our re- search, we initiated pilot studies as a means of ethnographically ex- ploring the subject.2 Early observations indicated that many problems seemed to be linked to interpersonal communications. One portion of this study revealed particularly destructive prejudicial behavior among and between jurors and students of different gender and race-biased conduct that likely discourages many of our most intelli- gent female and minority students from continuing on in school and the profession. There have been several interesting studies on studio education and the processes of designing and learning to design,3 but our initial literature review revealed little formal research on design juries except that of Kathryn Anthony. Her studies of design juries break new ground by refusing to accept the jury as sacrosanct. Although our study focuses much of its effort on the dynamics of intrajury commu- nications, Anthony's comparisons of faculty, student, and practitioner perceptions of the efficacy of the jury were helpful in establishing the need for more research in this area.

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‘Art in capital’: Shaping distinctiveness in a culture-led urban regeneration project in Red Town, Shanghai


Culture permeates even the most imposing industrial building. Driven by global city making, city leaders see culture as a key to bolstering a new economy and to dealing with decayed urban sites. However, regional practices of creating creative strategies differ, as actors are not “dancing puppets” but actively pursue their vested interests. The Red Town project in Shanghai is one example that represents the shift from sporadic artistic action to organized construction and management of spaces for the creative industry. This paper probes the development process of Red Town in order to uncover the power relationships of a variety of actors in the urban regime. The pursuit of distinctiveness through selectively authentic conservation and branding of artists’ offbeat taste, in return, offers benefits to several key players involved, such as developers and government agents. However, when the link between artists and archaic industrial buildings is legitimized, the resulting space becomes commercialized and, to an extent, discriminatory. In this case, the architectural edifice celebrates economic growth, while at the same time, it spurs the rise of unexpected social consequences.



“Art in capital” is a small art gallery in Red Town,1 which is depicted as a creative community formed after the renovation of an abandoned steel factory. Old bricks and mortar are preserved, as well as all other marks of age like rusted nails and non-functional electric wires. The new environment, with its air-conditioning system made in Germany and its heating system made in France, now guarantee a 4A class interior space as evaluated in the office market. In this creative community, sculptures are displayed at communal areas, through which the so-called creative professionals rub elbows a stone’s throw away from their respective offices.

It did not take long for Shanghai, one of China’s economic powerhouses, to embrace cultural consumption. The city is filled with passion for art of all types and descriptions, evident in consumers undeterred by the rocketing prices of art works in recent auctions.2 Art consumption has undoubtedly become a trendy way for many Shanghaiese to assert their distinct taste and identity. However, many art critics worry that this craze for art has allowed consumerism to dominate market behavior and to further lure art supplies.3The same concern pervades the rehabilitation of archaic industrial buildings for the consumption of artistically produced space. The story starts when a cultural group (artists, architects, etc.) moves to usually abandoned and dilapidated industrial plants in the inner city, converting these into workshops and studios. After rehabilitation, these warehouses and production plants magically convert decayed urban area to magnets, which attract artists to move in, one after another, and they also became popular destinations for visitors, many of whom are young adults attracted by that kind of life ‘on the edge.’ The magic effect of the chemistry between artists and deteriorated industrial sites has triggered the interest of many others, including the Shanghai Municipal Government, which was searching for means to push forward economic restructuring under a condition of land shortage in the city. The combination of artists and non-functional industrial sites gave the government a lot of inspiration. At that time, creative industry—the new favorite of many entrepreneurial governments after Florida’s promotion (Florida, 2000)—caught the attention of Shanghai officials who immediately opened their aims to embrace the new economy. Conservationists endeavoring to conserve industrial heritage through rehabilitation gave the action of reuse another fancy cloth of heritage conservation. Packaged in one, the Creative Industrial Agglomeration Area was introduced to encourage the development of creative industrial zones based on recycling of decayed factories in the inner city (Li et al., 2001SHMG, 2001). This lucrative market attracts a different breed of actors, such as real estate developers, government agents, or a coalition of the two. Soon, the piecemeal action was pushed into a city-wide movement. At the end of 2008, 76 sites had been labeled as Creative Industrial Agglomeration Areas (SCIC, 2008). The development at a scale previously unseen caught the attention of the central government, which launched a publicity campaign stressing that urban development occurs “when the creative industry dances with industrial heritage,” and calls for “learning from Shanghai” through its core newspaper (Lou, 2006).

The project in Red Town is one typical case that represents the turning from the first stage to the second stage, namely, from artists’ sporadic activities to organized construction and management of office space for creative industry. The outputs reflect negotiations among different actors who actively participate in this process for invested interests. Since Red Town, other projects desperately resort to heritage conservation to promise a unique experience, through a conscious and deliberate manipulation of history. Priority was given to the cautious preservation of aged buildings’ fabrics, particularly their erosion and decay, often in the name of authentic conservation.

At its planning stage, Red Town was publicized as an attempt to encourage the development of art and culture, as well as to set up a model of rehabilitation of industrial heritage. As the project processed, however, pressure was exerted for economic benefit that is measured in revenues. This paper attempts to probe into the development process of Red Town and to uncover the links to power relationships of a variety of actors in the urban regimes. I argue that Red Town is a project that prioritized the authenticity of heritage conservation, a space made vibrant by culture, seemingly detached from mundane living, and tailored for artists’ use. In reality, however, authentic heritage conservation was applied only to a select portion, specifically the building’s fabric. Meanwhile, the spatial features of industrial legacies, which might best represent the ethos of muscular industrialization, were crudely altered to maximize up-market office stocks.

Data are obtained from interviews and site-visits within a span of 2 years, as well as government documents, magazines published by the Red Town Company, newspaper articles, and reports. During the past 2 years, we have interviewed 22 individuals, including officials from different departments, developers, conservationists, artists and tenants in Red Town. After a literature review, the spontaneous stage is described to introduce how the idea of combining industrial heritage and creative industry emerges, and then the following section focuses on the renovation and management of Red Town, while discursive remarks are made at the end.

Debates: creative class, social divide, and power relationship in the urban regime

The concept of “creative class” was introduced by Florida (2000), who specifies them to be imperative group for cities and regions that expect to succeed in this economy increasingly driven by creativity. In its core, Florida’s thesis is to establish an environment that is attractive to the new ‘creative class.’ The idea has gained prominence among many entrepreneurial mayors who attempt to accelerate economic growth and project their cities to a higher tier in the global city hierarchy.

Culture-led urban regeneration is one kind of means deployed by many locales in their practices to develop a new economy and also to deal with decayed urban areas (Evans, 2003Evans, 2005). One strand of studies promotes that establishment of unique hybrid identity through cultural and heritage boosts distinctiveness and then advancement along the ladder of economy and power. Recalling the word “to imagineer” coined by the Walt Disney Studio to describe its way of “combining imagination with engineering to create the reality of dreams,” the thesis of urban imagineering is introduced at its core as a political act turning to the question of what and how to build at the local level in a more strategic manner than does Disney (Paul, 2004Paul, 2005).

Others argue that the promotion of a particular set of values through themed built environment and spectacles reflects the social divide and unequal relationships (Atkinson and Easthope, 2009). The aestheticization of archaic buildings in the picturesque style of heritage conservation is often claimed to be a new type of space tailored for a cultural community. The conscious manipulation of image for a given place may respond to the large-scale social transformation from a Fordist to a Post-Fordist society, namely, the birth of the new middle class which seeks out the stylization and aestheticization of life (Paul, 2004). Meanwhile, neglecting the uncreative class is sanitized and social inequity is legitimized. As Bourdieu points out, “art and culture consumption are predisposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfill a social function of legitimating social differences” (Bourdieu and Johnson, 1993, p. 2).

Researchers in the conservation field are more concerned with the commodification and exploitation of culture and history, frequently conducted in a distorted manner for maximum economic benefits in name of authenticity. As a response to the resorting to heritage and tradition, Alsayyad (2001) approaches the problem from a perspective of a conscious and deliberate manipulation of culture, wherein the built environment is designed to promise a unique cultural experience. Many culture-led urban regeneration projects might merely “begin with poetry and end[s] with real estate” (Klunzman, 2004; cited by Evans, 2005, p. 959). Disney was not the “first to pioneer the idea of replicating places of the ‘other’ for people to experience.” However, it “was the first to recognize the permanent, continuing commercial potential of such installation” (Alsayyad, 2001, p. 9).

The “city of renewal” era reinforced the widespread use of cultural symbols in urban regeneration (Amin and Thrift, 2002Appadurai, 1990Beauregard, 1995Evans, 2003Hall and Robertson, 2001Zukin et al., 1998). However, regional practices of the creative strategy differ (Atkinson and Easthope, 2009Vanolo, 2008). This transformational movement has been the subject of various research works, more so in the aspect of the political-economic realm. Beauregard and Haila comment that, actors are not “simply puppets dancing to the tune of socioeconomic and political logics but rather relatively autonomous agents” (Beauregard and Haila, 1997, p. 328). Cities are governed by regimes, as put by Stone (1989). An internal coalition of socioeconomic forces pulls the strings in the urban regime. These influential actors with direct access to institutional resources hold a significant impact on urban policymaking and management, and this often results in the urban landscape’s contingent spatial transformation. The spatial outcomes of development and policy spawn continuing social and material consequences infused with the coalition’s vested interests. The powers among different agents within a governing regime vary. In this light, the transformation of urban landscapes needs to be explored from the internal structure of socioeconomic actors and their negotiations in the process.

Cont. Reading...

The regenerative approach to model an integrated urban-building evaluation method


In this paper we focus on crucial issues concerning the effectiveness of evaluation of sustainability in the built environment. The paper argues that we need to rethink the evaluation of urban-building sustainability from an integrative perspective. It advances a theoretical and methodological model based on the regenerative approach, which opens up a new way to deal with the sustainability of the built environment. An enlarged definition of urban metabolism is used to carry out the integrated evaluation.

Central in it is the concept of reliability, which expresses the ability of products and processes in the built environment to be adaptive, resilient and regenerative. We use reliability in a transversal manner through the process of making the built environment sustainable, referring it both to buildings and the regenerative process triggered by sustainable actions addressed to buildings. Holistic indicators allow assessing it quantitatively or qualitatively.

Through reliability we bring regenerative thinking from a theoretical to an operational level. When referred to buildings, reliability allows considering sustainable performances not usually assessed in current evaluations. When referred to processes, it helps to understand directions of change in relation to sustainability of the built environment. Our method can be easily associated to current evaluation systems exceeding their boundaries.

1. Introduction

During last centuries, the increase in knowledge and the associated technological advancements have determined an evolution of human societies superimposed on nature, with the results of jeopardizing natural systems. Becoming aware of natural resource depletion and environmental pollution is at the basis of the need to draw attention to a sustainable development, as defined in the Bruntland Report (WCED, 1987). This is considered a starting point of a major concern for the natural environment, which has to be interrelated with social and economic development, inter and intra generationally. Then, in recent years, the sustainability paradigm has been the leading guide for development at any scale of thought and action, pervading policies as well as practices of intervention in any field of application (Hecht et al., 2012).

The built environment is the most significant field of action for several reasons, both quantitative and qualitative: it uses natural resources and impacts the natural environment in a very relevant manner; it constitutes the socio-cultural identity of a place; it expresses the economic capacity of a society. Therefore the built environment has increasingly become the test bed of policies and practices of sustainability, the terrain for experimenting sustainable paths of governance and design so that buildings and cities have been focused subjects of interest and experimentation (Lewis et al., 2013) and sustainable buildings and cities the output of such commitment.

Now, after more than 25 years of investments in sustainability, the question is whether sustainable development is indeed sustainable (Blowers et al., 2012). The answer is arguable: it could be almost positive, if we refer to sustainability as the paradigm originating from the sustainable development definition above cited; it could be rather negative if we refer to sustainability as the ability to re-establish cooperation between the natural and the human worlds for a mutual beneficial development. The central difference resides in the approach used, which at the end defines a substantially different goal: in the first case, the sustainable development approach is aimed at reducing the natural resource depletion and the environmental impacts; in the second case, the approach is regenerative, i.e. aimed at reversing the present and persistent trend of consumption for regenerating the natural environment, indispensable for the human life (Cole, 2012a).

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Artists and Spatial Practice

As architects have expanded their practice beyond the built object and artists have moved out of the gallery, so the already blurred boundaries between the two disciplines, have become still more entwined within the realm of critical spatial practice. To engage with the terms of spatial agency, artistic practice must show some form of transformative potential. Although there are a large number of artists working with spatial relations, those included here influence the actual production of space or change spatial relations in some way.

Michael Rakowitz is a case in point, trained as an architect, his work straddles the divide between art and architecture. Based in New York, his most memorable project is paraSITE (1998), at once a critique and a making visible of the prevalent attitudes towards homelessness, whilst at the same time improving the material living conditions of those living on the streets. Rakowitz designed a series of inflatable shelters that plug into the vent outlets of buildings, creating a warm and dry space for their inhabitants. Custom designed for each individual their oddness in the street scape gives visibility to the homeless. In an interview, Rakowitz relates that the initial shelter was made from black plastic in the hope of providing privacy and darkness to sleep in, but upon consulting his clients, he realised that what was most important to them was to be able to see out in case of attack and a desire to be seen and acknowledged. The shelters not only comment on the situation of the homeless, but also the large amounts of energy wasted in buildings.

Marjetica Potrč's work also blurs the boundaries between art, architecture and urbanism working in diverse locations, from the informal settlements of Caracas, to the trailer parks of Florida, or in the West Bank. Trained as both an architect and an artist Potrč's work is situated in these locations but is also displayed in galleries. Moving away from the problem solving approach of architecture Potrč tries to learn from each context through observation, developing an understanding of the micro-processes involved in order to inform the eventual interventions. For example in the La Vega barrio of Caracas, Potrč worked with architect, Liyat Esakov, as part of the Caracas Case project to design a dry toilet that responded to the lack of water. Designed in consultation with residents, rather than providing a one-off solution, the toilet can be easily replicated. In another project based in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, a small solar powered desalination device was installed in a school, in a context where solar energy is abundant but its use is virtually non-existent. As in the work of Rakowitz, Potrč's projects simultaneously reveal uneven living conditions whilst also working to alleviate them.

The artist, Thomas Hirschhorn's sculptural installations are participatory and collaborative in nature and fit within an artistic tradition including the Anarchitecture Group and Robert Smithson. Taking sculpture in its broadest sense as the manipulation of spatial conditions, Hirschhorn critiques architectural production through approximating and mimicking architectural structures. The project Bataille Monument (2002), named after the Surrealist writer, was located in a mainly Turkish neighbourhood of Kassel, Germany, as part of the Documenta art festival. The intervention included a television station, snack bar, an installation about Bataille and a library themed around his work. Inviting residents to participate in the installation through adding to it, the work raises questions about art and architectural practice and their relation to the production of public space.

The expanded field of spatial production is also the location of Ursula Biemann's work, an artist who works between geography and art in the video format. Her work engages critically with a range of disciplines and fields of knowledge, including feminist and post-colonial theory, ethnography, cultural and media studies and urbanism. Projects such as Sahara Chronicle (2006-2009) and Remote Sensing (2001) document spatial agency in unfamiliar contexts, whether it is the sub-Saharan migrations across Africa towards Europe or the territories of the global sex trade. Biemann spatialises the territorial and human relations in these situations, which are intricately linked to and influenced by the social and economic consequences of globalisation.

Other artists also work in fruitful collaborations with architects, such as the group of women artists and architects, Taking Place. Their work looks to define what a specifically feminist spatial practice could be. They have organised a number of events, from small gatherings to larger events hosted at institutions, involving students and members of the public. The events are a forum in which to discuss ideas and projects, as well as a chance for temporary transformations of space, for example lectures and talks occur in stairwells whereas lecture theatres become places to cook and impromptu performances are organised. Whether coming from an artistic or architectural point of view, taking place's practice is about conceptualising space as fluid, social and political, and as their name suggests, they start from the premise that 'places can simply be taken'.

Other collaborations between artists and architects include formal practices, such as muf and Public works, or informal networks that come together around specific projects, such as those initiated by Atelier d'Architecture AutogéréeCrimson,ExyztRaumlabor and others. Architects, such as Teddy Cruz and collectives such as Stalker / Osservatorio Nomade often work in collaboration with artists, whilst certain artists and artistic movements have had a large and direct impact on the practice of architecture, for example the Situationists, who have defined new directions for architecture that emphasise the everyday and the relationships between politics and cultural practice.

Key Projects

Other Work

'Michael Rakowitz', [accessed 6 July 2010].

Michael Rakowitz and Nick Stillman, 'Conversations …', New York Foundation for the Arts [accessed 7 September 2009].

'Marjetica Potrc', [accessed 6 July 2010].

Marjetica Potrc, Urgent Architecture, Pap/DVD (LA: Palm Beach Institute of Contemporary Art, 2004).

Marjetica Potrc and Aisling O'Beirn, 'Tracking the Urban Animal', Circa, (2001): 26-29.

Craig Garrett and Thomas Hirschhorn, 'Thomas Hirschhorn: Philosophical Battery (interview)', Flash Art, (2004) [accessed 5 July 2010].

'Geobodies - Ursula Biemann's Art and Geography Site',[accessed 5 July 2010].

Ursula Biemann, 'Remotely Sensed: A Topography of the Global Sex Trade', Feminist Review, 2005, 180-193.

Jan-Erik Lundstrom et al., Ursula Biemann: Mission Reports - Artistic Practice in the Field - Video Works 1998-2008 (Bristol: Arnolfini Gallery Ltd, 2008).

References About

Benjamin Buchloh, 'Cargo and cult: The displays of Thomas Hirschhorn', ArtForum, 2001,;col1 [accessed 4 July 2010].

Angela Dimitrakaki, 'Materialist Feminism for the Twenty-First Century: The Video Essays of Ursula Biemann', Oxford Art Journal, 30 (2007), 207-232.

Mark Rappolt, 'Studio: Thomas Hirschhorn', Tate Magazine Issue 7 [accessed 4 July 2010].

Marco Scotini, 'Dry Toilet', Domus, 891 (2006), 88-91.

N. Thompson, The Interventionists: Users' Manual for the Creative Disruption of Everyday Life (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004).